2006-2010

Utusan Malaysia | 21-Oct-2008, : Selain memilih pemimpin di peringkat bahagian, mesyuarat bahagian UMNO yang sedang berlangsung pada Oktober dan November ini penting kerana para perwakilan akan turut menamakan calon-calon bagi jawatan tertinggi parti dalam pemilihan pada Mac tahun depan. Lebih penting lagi, barisan kepimpinan tertinggi UMNO yang bakal dipilih akan turut membarisi kepimpinan tertinggi negara ekoran pengumuman Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi untuk tidak mempertahankan jawatan Presiden.

Tidak hairanlah, pertandingan bagi jawatan-jawatan utama parti menjadi tumpuan. Jawatan Presiden dan Timbalan Presiden, yang mana penjawatnya secara tradisi dilantik sebagai Perdana Menteri dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri, merupakan antara kerusi paling diperhatikan.

Sekiranya berlaku pertandingan bagi kedua-dua jawatan ini, pemilihan kali ini merupakan yang pertama sejak 1987 yang menyaksikan pertandingan bagi kedua-dua jawatan tertinggi tersebut.

Jika pemilihan 1987 menyaksikan UMNO diharamkan dan ahli-ahli parti berpecah dua, pemilihan kali ini seharusnya menjadi medan terbaik bagi ahli-ahli UMNO untuk memperkukuhkan semula UMNO dan Barisan Nasional yang buat pertama kali dalam sejarah pilihan raya sejak 1969 kehilangan majoriti dua pertiga di Parlimen.

Barisan kepimpinan UMNO yang bakal dipilih mempunyai tanggungjawab yang besar untuk mengepalai usaha mengembalikan semula keyakinan rakyat pelbagai kaum di negara ini terhadap UMNO dan BN.

Untuk itu, sewajarnyalah para pemimpin dan perwakilan UMNO melakukan semakan realiti tentang persepsi dan harapan rakyat terhadap UMNO dan BN.

Satu kajian pasca pilihan raya yang dilakukan oleh Merdeka Center for Opinion Research dalam bulan Julai lalu menunjukkan majoriti rakyat masih meyakini BN sebagai platform terbaik untuk memupuk kerjasama antara kaum (55 peratus), mengekalkan kestabilan politik (67 peratus) dan membawa kemakmuran ekonomi (54 peratus). Kira-kira 55 peratus responden juga merasakan BN mewakili suara semua kaum dan 51 peratus berpandangan amalan dalam BN adalah demokratik.

Namun demikian, wujud dikotomi persepsi antara masyarakat Melayu dan bukan Melayu. Hampir dua pertiga responden Melayu mempunyai pandangan positif terhadap BN, manakala majoriti responden bukan Melayu pula berpandangan sebaliknya.

Menguntungkan

Pandangan negatif responden bukan Melayu, sebahagian besarnya disebabkan oleh persepsi mereka bahawa dasar-dasar BN seperti Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB) hanya menguntungkan orang Melayu. Dalam hubungan ini, kajian tersebut mendapati 71 peratus responden bukan Melayu merasakan bahawa mereka didiskriminasi oleh kerajaan.

Sementara itu, 67 peratus responden Melayu pula merasakan bahawa DEB merupakan lambang hak keistimewaan Melayu yang perlu dikekalkan.

Kewujudan dikotomi ini bukanlah sesuatu yang baru. Dalam sebuah masyarakat berbilang kaum seperti Malaysia, cabaran utama para pemimpin negara ialah untuk mengimbangi kepentingan kaum yang berbeza. Peranan ini telah dimainkan oleh BN dan Perikatan sebelumnya. Sepanjang 53 tahun memerintah (termasuk dua tahun sebelum merdeka), formula Perikatan/BN telah berjaya mengekalkan kestabilan politik dan perpaduan kaum.

Selain tragedi 13 Mei, perbalahan kaum dan agama bukanlah suatu yang lumrah di Malaysia.

Ini berbeza dengan hubungan kaum di negara-negara rantau Asia Pasifik lain yang mempunyai demografi dan sejarah kolonial yang hampir sama dengan Malaysia. Di Sri Lanka dan Fiji perbalahan kaum telah menyebabkan pertumpahan darah, rampasan kuasa dan ketidakstabilan politik yang berlarutan. Di negara jiran Indonesia, perbalahan agama dan etnik memuncak ketika negara itu sedang bergelut dengan krisis ekonomi dan politik pasca pemerintahan rejim Orde Baru.

Walaupun BN mempunyai rekod yang baik dalam mengekalkan kestabilan politik dan perpaduan kaum, punca kemerosotan pengaruh BN dalam pilihan raya umum Mac lalu, terutamanya di kalangan pengundi bukan Melayu perlu diteliti.

Mungkin peningkatan taraf hidup rakyat, kemajuan dalam bidang pendidikan dan revolusi teknologi maklumat telah mempengaruhi nilai-nilai politik masyarakat.

Sementara majoriti rakyat memperakui kejayaan BN dalam mengekalkan kestabilan politik dan keharmonian kaum, mereka juga semakin menitikberatkan soal tadbir urus negara, penyampaian awam dan kesaksamaan. Rakyat mahukan pemimpin yang boleh diterima oleh semua kaum, cekap mengurus ekonomi dan telus dalam mentadbir negara.

Dalam konteks inilah para perwakilan UMNO yang bersidang pada bulan Oktober dan November ini perlu menilai ciri-ciri kepimpinan yang ada pada setiap individu yang ingin dicalonkan bagi jawatan-jawatan penting dalam parti.

Mereka perlu mempunyai ciri-ciri yang menepati aspirasi orang Melayu serta rakyat pelbagai kaum di negara ini. Perlu diingat bahawa formula pemilihan pada kali ini seharusnya tidak sama dengan pemilihan-pemilihan yang lalu. Asas perkiraan bukan semata-mata percaturan untung rugi politik dalaman UMNO, tetapi survival UMNO dan Barisan Nasional sebagai parti yang memerintah.

Hal ini telah pun diakui oleh pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO. Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi menyarankan agar diwujudkan keahlian langsung BN untuk menarik minat rakyat pelbagai kaum menyertai BN. Datuk Seri Mohd. Najib Tun Razak berulang kali mengingatkan ahli-ahli UMNO agar berusaha untuk memperkukuhkan BN sebagi parti yang mendapat dokongan rakyat pelbagai kaum.

Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin pula menegaskan bahawa UMNO mesti memiliki pemimpin yang dihormati dan boleh diterima oleh kaum-kaum lain. Bagi Muhyiddin, tidak ada maknanya pemimpin UMNO mendapat sokongan padu ahli-ahli, tetapi parti itu kalah dalam pilihan raya.

Sokongan mereka yang berada di luar UMNO juga penting untuk memastikan kemenenangan parti. ADUN Pangkor, Datuk Dr. Zambry Abdul Kadir dan Ahli Parlimen Batu Pahat, Dr. Mohd. Puad Zarkashi juga menyebut hal yang sama ketika mengumumkan hasrat untuk bertanding jawatan ahli Majlis Tertinggi.

Sebagai parti Melayu, UMNO terus mendapat kepercayaan orang Melayu. Dalam kajian sama yang dilakukan oleh Merdeka Center, 70 peratus responden Melayu mengakui bahawa UMNO telah berjaya melindungi kepentingan Melayu, memartabatkan Islam (67 peratus) dan membawa pembangunan ekonomi kepada rakyat (72 peratus). Perjuangan Melayu/Islam akan terus sinonim dengan UMNO.

Sebagai parti teras BN pula, tugas penting UMNO sebelum pilihan raya umum ke-13 adalah untuk memimpin usaha mengembalikan semula sokongan padu rakyat pelbagai kaum kepada BN. Bagi para perwakilan UMNO ke mesyuarat bahagian, tugas ini sudah pun bermula.

NST Online | 17-Oct-2008: Without competent crisis management, Umno risks losing the struggle to save itself from slipping into political oblivion, observes ZUBAIDAH ABU BAKAR

(From left) Che Johan Che Pa says Umno cannot afford to detach itself from the people; and Datuk Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir says Umno needs to consider change seriously

THE “R” words — revamp, reform, reinvent, re-engineer, revive, rebrand and revitalise — were never so prominent in Umno’s vocabulary as they have been since the party’s poor performance in the March elections, as party members attempt to restore Umno’s injured pride.

But what are Umno’s actual plans for executing change?

Party leaders talked about a recovery plan months ago, but nothing of the sort has yet been seen. It appears the party still lacks a clear idea of the kind of change it seeks.

The special committee on rebranding chaired by former Terengganu menteri besar Datuk Seri Idris Jusoh should by now have some ideas, having been in action for the past three months.
According to Che Johan Che Pa, a grassroots leader from Pasir Mas, changes have to begin from the top. The push is now coming from the grassroots, he says; to effect any form of change to suit internal and external needs, the lead should be from the top.

“Umno has to be where the people are,” says Che Johan. “The party cannot detach itself from the people. It cannot continue to offer the same things for more than 50 years.”

Lumut division chief and Pangkor assemblyman Datuk Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir shares this sentiment. “For sure, Umno cannot be playing the same tune,” he says. “Umno must sit down; must have its own thinking group to look into this whole concept of change seriously.”

The grassroots are effecting changes at the ongoing divisional elections, though; delegates no longer want to be yes-men and rubber stamps for decisions made by division committees. They are offering alternative nominees for senior party posts and insisting on secret ballots or show of hands in selecting their nominees.

This was reflected at the Machang division meeting when there was a nomination from the floor for Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah after the division secretary proposed Datuk Seri Najib Razak for the Umno presidency.

There is a similar trend in other divisions as well as in the party’s Youth, Wanita and Puteri wings.

“Reform and change have been started in Umno by the grassroots as translated by the choice of leadership at the highest level,” says Zambry.

“Other than this, Umno has yet to establish what kind of change it really wants, what is it that it wants to reinvent.”

The acceptance of personalities who in the past would have fallen foul of the party, such as vice-president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, is another change being pushed forward.

Muhyiddin has been very vocal against outgoing party president Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s leadership, and now he leads the nominations for the deputy presidency, paving the way for his appointment as deputy prime minister when the power transition from Abdullah to Najib takes effect next year.

The grassroots are hopeful that Umno’s new team of leaders will listen to them and make the necessary changes, structural and in policy, in accordance with the dominant views of Malaysians.

The debate continues on whether more young people should be on the supreme council, the highest decision-making body in Umno, where hierarchy, seniority and age have long ruled.

Many would share the view of vice-presidential aspirants Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar and Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim, that Umno needs a good mix of young and old leaders to remain resilient.

Forty-two-year-old Pulai member of parliament Nur Jazlan Mohamed, whose chances to be No 2 in Umno analysts have described as “thin as paper”, says Umno is in danger of losing power if it fails to regenerate and move with the times as young Malay voters have spurned it in favour of Parti Keadilan Rakyat.

“Umno must realise it is at a crossroads, it’s a matter of life and death,” he was quoted saying in an interview with Reuters. “I don’t think it will have the resilience to recover if we were to lose power.”

To regain lost ground is no easy matter, and has to be handled cautiously. Any change has to take into consideration the demands of the masses as well as the emergence of a more appealing opposition led by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

Yes, Umno’s support among the Malays has waned, but all is not yet lost. Surveys indicate that Malay support for Umno remains around 50 per cent.

“If we exclude Kelantan, Umno still enjoyed the support of 65 per cent of the Malays in the last general election,” notes Ibrahim Suffian, head of Merdeka Centre, an opinion poll centre that conducted several post-election surveys.

These findings also suggest that over-emphasising Malay issues had cost Umno the support of non-Malays.

“All these and other negative perceptions can be rectified within the BN framework,” says Ibrahim.

Conservative Umno members must accept that Malays no longer see Umno as the one and only protector of Malay interests; the debacle of Umno is not the debacle of the Malays.

Another Merdeka Centre survey concluded that while most Malays want their special privileges to continue, significant numbers have no qualms about treating other communities equally.

The survey found that 58 per cent of Malays say they should be accorded special rights and privileges as the country’s original society, while 40 per cent say people should be accorded the same rights in Malaysia regardless of race or religion.

Umno leaders should, therefore, look at reality before making racist remarks. In a nutshell, Umno can no longer afford missteps. There is much to be learned from past mistakes such as being fixated on Malay interests; an attitude that lost the elections for Umno’s allies.

The new leaders have to be willing to champion new approaches or any change the party undertakes will be an exercise in futility: Umno may change in form but not in substance. Projecting a new image of openness and flexibility towards multiracialism is the way to strengthen its hold on federal power.

The Malaysian Insider | 16-Oct-2008 — The government’s hostility towards the Hindu Rights Action Front (Hindraf), culminating in the outlawing of the organisation, and Utusan Malaysia’s war with Teresa Kok has hardened the position of the nationalist Malay right behind Umno.

But it will have done Umno and the Barisan Nasional few favours in winning back the hearts and minds of Malay moderates or the support of the Chinese, Indian and other non-Malay communities.

By targeting Kok, Utusan and the nationalist Malays are hoping to rally the community against the “threat” of the Chinese DAP, as represented by the Seputeh MP.

Cheras Umno division head Datuk Wira Syed Ali Alhabshi has even set up a Tabung Azan to aid Utusan against the RM30 million defamation lawsuit filed against the paper by Kok.

His reasoning was that a lawsuit against Utusan was an act of hostility against all Malays and all Muslims.

Even Malaysian Press Institute chief executive officer Chamil Wariya made a thinly-veiled attempt at attacking Kok by writing a short story published last week in Utusan in which the protagonist, described as an anti-Malay female MP, is assassinated.

The jury is still out on whether such tactics by the more extreme forces of Umno will work in regaining Malay support lost to the opposition in the March general election.

But it is not likely to help the BN get back any of the non-Malay votes it lost.

The outlawing of Hindraf will certainly do no favours for the BN in engaging the disillusioned and disenfranchised of the Indian community.

By labelling the Hindraf as terrorist and extremist, the government hopes to galvanise the support of moderate, law-abiding conservative Malaysians.

But it runs the risk of allowing the Indian issue to fester, of hardening the stance of more extreme forces and turning a loosely-organised front into a legendary, mythical group united against the BN.

Already, a perception audit survey conducted by the independent Merdeka Centre a few months ago, before the Datuk Ahmad Ismail incident or the Hindraf Hari Raya episode, suggested that non-Malay support for the BN remained low.

Alarmingly, some of the findings also showed Malaysians remained highly suspicious of each other.

Some 37 per cent of non-Malays and non-Muslim Bumiputeras polled said they agreed that “the ultimate goal of Malay politicians is to restrict non-Malay cultures and religions”.

A total of 40 per cent of Malays and Muslim Bumiputeras polled believed, on the other hand, that “the Chinese and Indians are quietly planning to take over the country”.

Ultimately, the government’s hardline position against Hindraf and Utusan Malaysia’s war against Kok will appeal to such suspicions Malaysians have for each other.

The continuing suspicions we harbour against each other become justification for a curb on the discussion of “sensitive issues”.

But will curbing such discussions help repair race relations? Will it unite the races behind the BN?

Or will race relations in Malaysia forever be a zero sum game? – The Malaysian Insider

International Herald Tribune | KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, 09-Oct-2008 : Najib Razak, who is poised to become Malaysia’s sixth prime minister, comes from a family of political aristocrats that produced two of the country’s last five leaders.

Respected for his sharp intellect and unflappable demeanor, Najib was always expected to take power someday. But he will do so sooner than predicted in an effort to restore the ruling coalition’s fortunes after a calamitous performance in March general elections.

Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi announced Wednesday that he would hand power in March 2009 to Najib, his current deputy whose mettle has been increasingly tested by opposition attempts to link him to corruption, sexual impropriety and even murder.

“He’s a natural successor. … Najib has moved up the political ladder. He has the experience, faced the challenges. He is a very polished politician, well-trained, well-exposed,” said Mohamad Mustafa Ishak, a political analyst at Universiti Utara Malaysia.

“People have high hopes for Najib,” he said.

Najib’s father and uncle served as prime ministers in the 1970s, but Najib, 55, once seemed headed for a corporate life instead.

He earned an economics degree from the University of Nottingham in Britain and returned home to work for the central bank and the national oil company.

Najib entered politics only after his father, Abdul Razak, died from leukemia in 1976. Five weeks later, a 22-year-old Najib was elected into Parliament, becoming the youngest lawmaker ever at the time.

Najib has served in the Cabinet since the 1970s, but his big break came in 1991 when he became defense minister and modernized the armed forces with high-tech acquisitions.

When Abdullah became premier in 2003, he made Najib his deputy and probable successor. Najib was expected to bide his time until Abdullah completed what many expected to be at least two five-year terms in office.

Najib’s status in the ruling coalition has remained intact despite some scandals that have tainted his polished image.

His close associate, Abdul Razak Baginda, was arrested and charged in 2006 with abetting the murder of a Mongolian woman after having an affair with her. Two policemen were charged with killing her and destroying her body with explosives.

Najib, who is married with five children, repeatedly denied involvement in the crime amid opposition claims that he too may have had an affair with the victim. The opposition has also accused Najib of corruption in deals to buy French submarines and Russian fighter jets.

In a recent survey of 1,000 people polled in telephone interviews by the independent Merdeka Center research group, only 40 percent believed that Najib would make a good prime minister, while 44 percent disagreed and the others were undecided. The center said the margin of error was 3 percent.

The government’s loss of its longtime two-thirds parliamentary majority in March elections was the catalyst for Najib to take over the premiership.

The mild-mannered Abdullah, 68, faced months of pressure to let a new leader confront mounting economic headaches and a resurgent opposition, led by former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, that hopes to topple the government through parliamentary defections.

But Najib will be much tougher to handle than Abdullah because he is seen a potentially more decisive and firm leader.

“For Anwar, it’s not a good sign,” said analyst Mohamad Mustafa. “Anwar knows Najib is a tough guy.”

Many believe Najib’s destiny has long been spelled out. Literally.

Years ago, some Malaysians noted that the names of all their prime ministers have begun with the letters in first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman’s last name.

R for Rahman, A for Abdul Razak, H for Hussein Onn, M for Mahathir Mohamad, A for Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

N for Najib would complete that seemingly preordained course.

The Malaysian Insider | KUALA LUMPUR, 08-Oct-2008 – Two-thirds of Malaysians polled in a recent survey agree that the Barisan Nasional (BN) method of managing ethnic diversity is a key factor in political stability.

A survey by the Merdeka Centre also revealed that 55 per cent of Malaysians it surveyed agreed that BN represents the voice of all ethnic communities and is the best platform for inter-ethnic cooperation and power-sharing.

The survey also suggested Malaysians polled were evenly split when it came to the question of whether BN should become a single multi-racial party.

A total of 51 per cent agreed that BN should become a single party while 42per cent disagreed.

“It reflects that when BN was strong and united, we were politically stable. There was peace and we all made a good living and it helped grow the economy and kept everyone happy,” Labis MP Chua Tee Yong said.

Across the board, Chinese and Indians were not as supportive of BN while Bumiputeras, including those from East Malaysia, were happier with BN.

“It shows that BN is not a total disaster. If the majority of one community says it is still a working solution, you can’t totally chuck it out,” political analyst Khoo Kay Peng offered.

“The problem is they’ve taken racial politics to an extreme where the other communities are consistently disagreeing.

“Since BN sells on racial consensus it is a big problem even though you are still workable now because it means the slide will continue and boil over resulting in the Chinese moving to other parties.”

However, Pulai MP Datuk Nur Jazlan Mohamed said that this was only natural as Bumiputeras, being the majority community, must take the lead in any change.

“Bumis believe that the BN model is correct and any positive reform in ethnic relationships must start with them. And once these changes are in place, then the Chinese and Indians will return to the fold.”

Angus Reid Global Monitor | 06-Oct-2008 – Barack Obama would defeat John McCain if Malaysians had a say in the United States presidential election, according to a poll by the Merdeka Center for Opinion Research. 43 per cent of respondents would vote for the Democratic nominee if they could, while only six per cent would support the Republican contender.

Obama became the Democratic Party’s presidential nominee on Aug. 28, while McCain accepted the Republican Party’s nomination on Sept. 4.

U.S. president George W. Bush is ineligible for a third term in office. The U.S. presidential election is scheduled for Nov. 4.

Earlier this month, political commentator John Gee suggested that one of the reasons why Obama is more popular than McCain amongst south-east Asians is that Obama favours dialogue over military action against Iran to curb its nuclear capabilities. Gee noted: “As a July 17 editorial in Singapore’s Business Times commented, ‘Let there be no mistake: if war does break out, it will have an impact on the balance of power in the Middle East, affect the outcome of the U.S. presidential elections, determine the international energy prices for months or even years to come, and thereby push the U.S. and global economies into a horrendous crisis. The world hopes that cool heads will prevail’.”

Polling Data

The American presidential election is coming soon. If given the chance, who would you vote for as president of the USA?

Source: Merdeka Center for Opinion Research
Methodology: Telephone Interviews with 1,030 Malaysian voters, conducted Sept. 11 to Sept. 22, 2008. Margin of error is 3.1 per cent.

Angus Reid Global Monitor | 05-Oct-2008 – Most people in Malaysia are disappointed with the performance of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, according to a poll by the Merdeka Center for Opinion Research. 53 per cent of respondents disapprove of the prime minister’s performance, down one point since July.

The ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO)—the biggest party in a coalition of 12 political factions known as the National Front (BN)—has formed the government after every election since the Asian country attained its independence from Britain in 1957.

Abdullah took over as prime minister in October 2003, after the retirement of Mahathir Mohamad, who served for more than 22 years. In the March 2004 election, the National Front secured 198 of the 219 seats in the House of Representatives. Abdullah was sworn in as head of government with the biggest majority in three decades.

In the March 2008 ballot, the National Front won 140 seats in the legislature. The coalition’s share of the vote dropped drastically, from 64.4 per cent in 2004, to 50.27 per cent in 2008. According to Human Rights Watch, the most recent election was “grossly unfair” and marred by irregularities.

On Sept. 29, the Malaysian People’s Movement Party (Gerakan) party—a predominantly ethnic Chinese party and a junior member in the ruling BN coalition—threatened to leave the Abdullah government if it fails to address discrimination against Chinese-descent Malaysians. Gerakan vice-president Teng Hock Nan said that splitting from the coalition is “one of the options” if it is “not willing to initiate drastic changes” on this matter.

Close to seven million ethnic Chinese currently live in Malaysia.

Polling Data

Do you approve or disapprove of the way Abdullah Ahmad Badawi is performing his job as prime minister?

Source: Merdeka Center for Opinion Research
Methodology: Telephone Interviews with 1,030 Malaysian voters, conducted Sept. 11 to Sept. 22, 2008. Margin of error is 3.1 per cent.

The Star | PETALING JAYA, 03-Oct-2008 : Datuk Ong Tee Keat is the favourite among Malaysian Chinese to become MCA president, according to a survey by the independent Merdeka Centre for Opinion Research.

Also, 40% of the respondents think he is qualified to lead the MCA, compared with 6% for the other contender, Datuk Chua Jui Meng. Wanita chief Datuk Dr Ng Yen Yen is the second most popular among the respondents, with 12% believing she is fit to lead the party.

To another question, 76% of Chinese respondents said they had a positive impression of Ong, the MCA vice-president, and similarly of Dr Ng, who garnered 67%.

Among the respondents, 57% had a positive impression of Jui Meng, 56% of incumbent vice-president Datuk Seri Dr Fong Chan Onn and 46% of Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek, who is vying for the deputy presidency.

The poll, conducted by the centre between Sept 11 and 22, interviewed 1,002 registered voters on their perceptions of current issues, the economy and the country’s leadership.

In a question to all respondents, two-thirds said that a politician tainted by a sex scandal should not hold a senior post in a political party or the Government.

A total of 64% agreed that an apology from such a politician was not enough for him or her to be accepted as a leader again.

The two questions obviously refer to Soi Lek, who resigned early this year after admitting being the man in a sex DVD.

However, Chinese respondents (48%) were more open to an apology from such a politician compared with Malays (24%) and Indians (12%).

The survey also showed that one-third of the Chinese respondents wanted Barisan Nasional component parties to be more outspoken within the coalition.

In a surprising revelation, the survey found that more Malaysian Indians (70%) were aware of the Oct 18 party election than the Chinese (55%). – The Star

Reuters India – Mumbai,India | KUALA LUMPUR (Reuters), 29-Sep-2008 – Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim scored better than the government’s pick to become the next prime minister in an opinion poll which showed that worries over the economy dominated voter concerns.

Anwar is threatening to unseat the government that has ruled Malaysia for 51 years and the rise of the opposition since their success in elections in March has paralysed policy-making as top politicians from the government jostle for power.

The poll by the Merdeka Center published on Monday showed that for half of people questioned, the main concern in this country of 27 million people was the economy at a time when fuel prices have risen and inflation has surged to 27-year highs.

Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who has offered to quit early to avoid a leadership challenge topped the poll, although his approval ratings continue to fall.

Asked who would make the better prime minister, 40 percent said Anwar and 34 percent said Najib Razak. Najib has been named as successor to Abdullah who scored 43 percent.

Anwar, a former deputy prime minister who was imprisoned on what he says were trumped up sodomy and corruption charges in the late 1990s was characterised as “a strong and visionary leader” and “a competent manager of the economy” by 51 percent of respondents in the poll of 1,003 voters.

He is facing new charges of sodomy which he denies.

Anwar has said that he has won over enough government MPs to oust Abdullah in a confidence vote in parliament and the prime minister on Friday said he would hand power to Najib, most likely in March

Abdullah had earlier planned to hand over power in 2010.

Since becoming prime minister in 2004, Abdullah has failed to implement key pledges such as ending corruption and boosting the independence of the judiciary. The policy drift, along with rising racial tensions, has unsettled both party activists and investors.

NERVOUS MARKETS

A year ago just 25 percent of those questioned in a similar poll by Merdeka, an independent pollster, were worried about the economy in the poll a year ago compared with 50 percent now.

Markets are nervous over a prolonged transition.

“Political noise remains elevated, which we consider bearish for risky assets, including the ringgit, and bullish for government bonds,” ING said in its morning Asia research report.

ING forecasts that the ringgit will end this year at 3.55 to the dollar compared with 3.4410, a depreciation of over 3 percent. It has already fallen 3.7 percent this year.

The plan to hand power to Najib has also unsettled some in the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the party that dominates the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition.

On Saturday, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, a former finance minister said the plan was “extra constitutional” and said he would stand in the party polls.

Home Minister Syed Hamid said on Sunday said that the intense contest for party posts was causing splits in UMNO.

“We see that the heat is becoming more intense, as though there are instigators pitting one group against another,” he said, according to state news agency Bernama.

Traditionally the leader of UMNO is also the prime minister of Malaysia and under party rules, any contenders for UMNO president must garner 30 percent of total nominations to be eligible to run.